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4-vARAN
SYSTEM
WAS CREATED IN HUMANITY
BY GRANDFATHER bRHmaa
SO THAT THERE IS EFFICIENT LABOUR SYSTEM
WHICH DELIVERS ALL SERVICES
NEEDED IN A SOCIETY BY
WHOLE MANKIND...
BUT
4-vARAN SYSTEM DISINTEGRATES IN
kli-yug
DUE TO EACH PERSON NOT UPHOLDING
HIS/HER OWN vaARAN-DHARm
and sv-DHARm...
THIS DISINTEGRATION OF
vARAN SYSTEM
CREATES
DISHARMONY OF
CO-EXISTENCE & CO-DEPENDENCY
OF 5 DIVISIONS OF vaARAN SYSTEM
NO vARAN
CAN EXIST BY ITSELF
EACH vARAN TOTALLY NEEDS
OTHER 3 vARAN
FOR ITS
GROWTH, PROSPERITY, EVOLUTION
&
MOST IMPORTANT SELF-SUSTENANCE
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4-vARAN SYSTEM:
bRaaHmAN, KSHTRiy, vaeeSH`y and suDRR
(the order of naming as ordained in veD)
THOSE WHO HAVE NOT FOLLOWED
DHARm IN PREVIOUS LIFE-TIMES kARm
ARE BORN IN THE 5TH vARAN WHICH
SIGNIFIES NOT BELONGING TO ANY OF
4-vARAN
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The above is the essence of vARAN system
ordained and created by the grandfather creator
pRjaapti bRHmaa ....as inspired by
creator bRH`m through the knowledge contained in
veD .....which is sciences of
creating and maintaining all that is created in a universe....and then all
creations are cyclically re-created through kARm-fl
based rules and regulations of DHARm.....The
above essence and the following writing has been shared by
SRii Champaklal Dajibhai Mistry from his
veD library.......
As per veD, in
kli-yug which is the present
veDik time era the humanity and all creations exists in
4-vARAN system which starts to
disintegrate progressively as kli-yug
progresses to its total time span of 432,000 years (presently we are in 5106th
year of kli-yug)...
The first vARAN of
bRaaHmAN has the ordained social duty
of keeping knowledge of veD flowing
from generation to generation of mankind. The second
vARAN of KSHTRiy
who has the ordained social duty to maintain law and order and provide
governance in society. The functions to be performed by these
2 vARAN starts being corrupted due to the effect of
kli-yug. This corruption means that
these 2 vARAN becomes
un-knowledgeable and thus corrupted in performing their ordained duties in
society. And when they perform the duties without the proper knowledge and
training of their functional duties their purpose becomes only for attaining
selfish desires especially of acquiring wealth by whatever corrupt means it
takes.....
The third vARAN of
vaeeSH`y aa is of those who produces
wealth and material possessions of the entire society. These include
professionals in business, science, engineering, medicine, accounting, farming,
skilled trades of all industrial and economic nature, etc. These professionals
are supposed to serve all the 3 other vARAN
in providing the wealth for self -sustenance, growth, evolution and prosperity
for happy society of mankind becomes corrupt and the wealth creation becomes for
the sole purpose of selfishly making unreasonable profits and without any
regard for the negative life growth and sustaining effects on the remaining
3 vARAN.....
The suDRR vARAN are ordained to
provide services which will assist the other 3 vARAN
to perform their duties starts to perform duties ordained for the other
3 vARAN.....About 75 percent of
members of all the 4 vARAN appears to
have given up their ordained social duties which are ordained by rules
and regulations of DHARm due to effect of
kli-yug....This means that
vARAN-DHARm and
sv-DHARm is not practiced and live by the collective
humanity....And when life is not lived by the rules and
regulations of DHARm then the
scientifically designed social structure of humanity and its harmonious
functioning for happy and prosperous life growth and evolution stops. And
societal regression starts towards social chaos through conflicts between
vARAN and inter-personal conflicts due
to peoples not living by the rules and regulation of
vARAN-DHARm and sv-DHARm.....
More on the above topic will be shared in the days to come on this knowledge
based PVAF web site.....PVAF invites YOU
to share your knowledge and life experience of vARAN
system which exists in all humankind in one form or another on this
planet earth...To share YOUR knowledge and experience please click on the
POST A COMMENT button in the header of this
new item and write away as much as YOU wish.....
Now read about the 25 percent of humanity of the millions of people of
veDik origin who migrated to USA are
trying their best to uphold vARAN-DHARm
and sv-DHARm in current
kli-yug time era and in
USA....Please click on the next line to enlighten yourself where you
fit in this social conundrum of kli-yug
from a news report from
The New York Times...
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Family Ties
and
the Entanglements of Caste
By JOSEPH BERGER
The New York Times
Published: October 24, 2004
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The Das family, clockwise from left:
Dr. Bodh Das, his son-in-law Rabindra
Mallik, his daughters Rekha and Abha, his wife, Usha, and their grandson, Amit
Mallik. |
As an Indian immigrant, Dr. Bodh Das faced an excruciating challenge. His three
daughters had been exposed to America's freewheeling mating rituals, but he
wanted to find them husbands the old-fashioned way - within the Hindu caste into
which he was born.
With his eldest daughter, Abha - the one who had spent the least time growing up
in America - he hit the jackpot, getting her to return to India in 1975 to wed a
man she had never met but who hailed not only from the same Kayashta subcaste
but also from the same obscure offshoot. With his second daughter, Bibha, he was
less successful. She married a Kayashta, but from a different branch.
"So there was some transgression in this marriage," Dr. Das, a silver-haired
cardiologist in the Bronx, said with a wry stoicism worthy of another father who
struggled with three modern-minded marriageable daughters, Tevye of "Fiddler on
the Roof."
Dr. Das's third daughter, Rekha, the most Americanized, strayed even further.
She refused to return to India to find her mate and married a man outside her
father's caste whom she met in school. It was what Indians call "a love
marriage." And Dr. Das's losing battle to uphold tradition is about to suffer
yet another setback: a grandson plans to marry a non-Indian Christian from
Chicago whom he met at Harvard.
As Dr. Das's experience shows, the peculiarly Indian system of stratifying its
people into hierarchical castes - with Brahmins at the top and untouchables at
the bottom - has managed to stow away on the journey to the United States, a
country that prides itself on its standard of egalitarianism, however flawed the
execution. But the caste system, weakening for a half-century in India, is
withering here under the relentless forces of assimilation and modernity. While
it persists, its vestiges today often seem more a matter of sentiment than
cultural imperative.
To be sure, not just marital arrangements but business relations are sometimes
colored by caste. Arun K. Sinha, a member of the Kurmi caste, is owner of the
Foods of India store, a shop on Curry Hill at Lexington Avenue and 28th Street
in Manhattan. He complains that wholesalers from a Gujarati caste insist that he
pay cash rather than extend the credit they give to merchants from their own
clan.
E. Valentine Daniel, a professor of anthropology at Columbia University, says
some Indian executives will not hire untouchables, now usually called Dalits, or
downtrodden, no matter their qualifications. "It's even more than a glass
ceiling, it's a tin roof," he said.
Mr. Daniel, former director of Columbia's South Asian Institute, told of the
resistance he faced among upper-caste Indians on an academic committee when he
wanted to name an endowed chair in Indian political economics after a noted
untouchable, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, a Columbia graduate who helped draft the Indian
Constitution, which decades ago abolished the caste system.
Sometimes, the caste distinctions, recognizable by family names and places of
origin, linger as a form of social snobbery. Keerthi Vadlamani, a 23-year-old
chemical engineer from an affluent Brahmin family in the south-central Indian
city of Hyderabad, said, "Some people are stupid enough not to mingle with a
Dalit, to cold-shoulder them.
"You won't invite them home, you won't go over to their home," he said.
Other upper-caste Indians here say that they do not bother to probe someone's
caste and that most compatriots will do business with anyone. Few Indians would
admit to such behavior as refusing to eat in a restaurant because its food was
cooked by an untouchable, something many upper-caste Indians might have done 50
years ago.
Mostly caste survives here as a kind of tribal bonding, with Indians finding
kindred spirits among people who grew up with the same foods and cultural
signals. Just as descendants of the Pilgrims use the Mayflower Society as a
social outlet to mingle with people of congenial backgrounds, a few castes have
formed societies like the Brahmin Samaj of North America, where meditation and
yoga are practiced and caste traditions like vegetarianism and periodic fasting
are explained to the young.
"Right now my children are living in a mixed-up society," said Pratima Sharma,
president of the New Jersey chapter of Brahmin Samaj and a 39-year-old software
trainer with two daughters, 9 and 3. "That's why I went into the Brahmin group,
because I wanted to give my children the same values."
The exquisitely complex Indian caste system dates back thousands of years to the
origins of Hinduism. Hindus tell of a deity who transformed himself into a human
society arranged according to a cooperative division of labor. The deity's head
turned into the Brahmin caste of priests and scholars, his hands into the
Kshatriya caste of warriors and administrators, his thighs into the merchant and
landholding Vaishyas, and his feet into Shudras, the skilled workers and
peasants. Hindu notions of ritual purity and pollution defined how these four
broad castes could interact and reserved an underclass rung for the
untouchables, who worked in the most "polluting" jobs like cleaning streets or
toilets.
Whatever its economic and religious foundations, the caste system - which in
time sprouted more than 3,000 jati, or subcastes, tinged by geography, language
and employment - became ironbound. Until recent decades, village untouchables
would step out of view whenever a Brahmin walked by, and tea stalls would
reserve separate dishware for Dalit. The rigid system confined people in lower
castes to poverty, said Dr. Parmatma Saran, a professor of sociology at Baruch
College, so that economic class often paralleled caste.
After India gained independence from Britain in 1947, the legal forms of caste
were abolished, and lower castes began benefiting from favorable quotas for
government jobs and college entry. By the mid-1960's, the social aspects of the
system were also slackening among urban and educated sectors of Indian society,
precisely the groups that furnished most of the doctors, engineers and other
professionals who began coming to the United States under preferences in
immigration law.
Then something surprising happened here. Madhulika S. Khandelwal, director of
the Asian American Center at Queens College, said that the continuing influx of
immigrants brought in less-educated relatives who tended to sustain caste
distinctions, and created masses of caste members who could associate
conveniently with one another. In the 2000 census, there were 454,686 Indians in
the New York-New Jersey-Connecticut metropolitan area.
Ads in New York City's Indian newspapers testify to the persistence of caste,
with one family advertising for a "Brahmin bride" and another seeking an
"alliance for U.S.-educated, professionally accomplished" Bengali Kayashta
daughter.
"The underlying hope is that you have a woman or man from the same caste," Dr.
Khandelwal said of such matchmaking ads. "That way the marriage supports the
family tradition. You are assuring, to the best of your ability, to live through
those traditions expressed in food, dress, vocabulary and other things."
Still, the exposure of younger Indians to American ways continues to chip away
at even these caste traditions. Mr. Vadlamani, the chemical engineer, said
members of his Brahmin family "find it hard to digest that I eat meat, that I
date girls not in the same caste." His parents, significantly, do not object.
Ranjana Pathak, a quality-control chemist on Long Island, maintains many Brahmin
traditions. Last week, she was eating only fruit to mark an Indian festival. But
she has found other traditions hurtful. Though she agreed to an arranged
marriage, her in-laws disapproved of her coming from a lower subcaste of
Brahmins.
"Until today it has left a bitter taste in my mouth, and those are things you
never forget," she said. "That's why I won't do it to my children."
There are, of course, young people attached to the old ways. Hariharan
Janakiraman, a 31-year-old software engineer who lives in Queens, is a Brahmin
from the Vadama branch, which emphasizes teaching. Choosing engineering was his
one rebellion. But he intends to let his parents select his wife from his caste.
His parents, he said, will consult his horoscope and that of the bride and make
sure their planets and attendant moods are aligned. They will, he said, ask the
prospective bride to prepare some food and sing and dance, the latter to make
sure all her limbs work.
"If I marry people from other castes, my uncle and aunt won't have a good
impression of my parents, so I won't do that," he said. "If I get married to a
Dalit girl, the way she was brought up is different from the way I was brought
up, so some incompatibility will result."
Dalits say they still on occasion sense upper-caste scorn. Pinder Paul is a
spirited 50-year-old Punjabi Sikh (the Sikh faith absorbed some caste
distinctions) who came to New York City in 1985 and worked as a dishwasher at
Tad's Steaks. Now he and his wife spend seven days a week running the Chirping
Chicken outlet he owns in Astoria. He could cite no instance of outright
discrimination, but said looks and gestures sometimes betray upper-caste
condescension.
"Our friends who came here from India from the upper classes, they're supposed
to leave this kind of thing behind, but unfortunately they brought it with
them," he said.
Yet in a paradoxical demonstration of the stubborn resilience of caste, Mr. Paul
is active with a local Dalit group and said he would prefer that his son marry a
Dalit.
"We want to stay in our community," he said.
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